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Archive for the ‘Looking Back’ Category

The Unbearable Lightness of Being Zardari!

11 Apr

Posting this to remind Pakistanis, what was being written about President Zardari (the then inmate of a jail) in 2005. Written by  a veteran journalist, a columnist par excellence, an inspiring rights / peace activist and a professional with unblemished credentials, Beena Sarwar, this post appeared on January 26, 2005 in The News, a paper of the same Jang Group currently at a well declared war with one person they seem to hate endlessly – Asif Ali Zardari.

It would be interesting for the readers to think and recall history of this media group, and how it has changed sides with every changing regime. May be then we're in better position to peep through their headlines and "breaking news", into the reality!

"Corruption," pronounces Asif Ali Zardari, "is a state of mind. A corrupt person wouldn’t have taken on the establishment, wouldn’t have sacrificed eight years of his life in prison. I could have accepted a deal and got out, and kept them happy — that’s what would have benefited me most."


No, no, no, there’s been no deal, he repeats. But he is confident that the government will have to call for early elections, and that BB (whom he refers to as his ’leader’) will be back, "INSHALLAH!" We’re at Bilawal House — or Bilawal Fortress, as some call it — in
Karachi (the one in Lahore is a rented premise), a few days before his departure to Dubai. There is an air of expectancy about the place, which is buzzing with men, outside the gates, in the courtyards, under a shamiana, in the living room next to the book-lined study where we meet him.

Wondering if it’s always like this, one learns that yes, it was like this even when he was in prison — having an easy time of it, one heard, air-conditioned rooms, all kinds of visitors, nudge, nudge, wink, wink… And yet, it could not have been that easy. Even if he was given preferential treatment, he was still a prisoner, deprived of home and family. And yes, there were some pretty rough moments, including solitary confinement, denial bail, and worse (remember the tongue incident?). Any luxuries would have been countered by such moments — and rides in the back of rickety police vans charging along from Karachi to Lahore for court hearings. A reporter later mentions that he developed spondalitis because of this mode of transport — he could either sit on the hard wooden bench, or stand all the way. This is why he has to walk with a cane and undergo physiotherapy.

He comes into the room briskly, despite the cane. We’re expecting an informal meeting, but the seating arrangement — he sits behind the large wooden desk facing the four of us — implies an interview. During the ensuing discussion one thing becomes clear: Zardari isn’t going to complain about his prison stint or political and personal adversities. Instead, he repeats what appears to be his mantra: positive thinking (reflected in that wide, somewhat cheeky grin, flashed along with a V-sign in every newspaper photograph or television shot taken during his prison days) — "Convert weaknesses and adversity into strength."

"There is an unrepresentative, undemocratic government, and the West will eventually have to stand with the democratic forces. That process has started. Musharraf can’t step out of the umbrella of democracy. PPP is not in a rush to get into governance, and we believe that a martial thought process is not the answer — the strength it provides is temporary. We can’t wish away those who believe in a militant approach, but the real strength comes from the people, and we have to educate them against the prevalent defeatist attitude, we must be positive, we must assert our thought process. Civil liberties are never given voluntarily; we have to demand them. And we must each do what we can. I am doing what I can; I have chosen politics. I didn’t need to."

This was a ’considered decision’. The only regret is not being able to see his children grow up — the eldest, Bilawal, was just eight when Zardari was imprisoned by the Nawaz Sharif government. But this is not a complaint. "I did it for the sake of democracy, for the people, for all our children. I could have taken the easy way out, but I didn’t. I knew that one day I would win. I didn’t know how long it would take. I am fighting and I will continue to fight."

He dismisses the allegations of corruption. "They haven’t proved one case against me. You know how it started? It was Gen. Mujibur Rehman’s brainchild (information minister during Gen. Zia’s martial law), to use the old trick: give the dog a bad name and hang him. So they created this image of me, as an Achilles heel of PPP. I couldn’t counter it because I didn’t have a political image. I did have a personal political history, my family has always been in politics that people chose to ignore, but prison was a new experience for me."

And then, some unexpected philosophy — "History will redeem me. What am I? I am just a bleep in the universal picture. So I might as well try and shine."

There were times when no one would come to see him, but he never lost faith. "Nawaz Sharif left. My graph went up. The only people I’d see would be the court reporters, and the people who were looking after me — I learnt a lot from interacting with these downtrodden people. So I wasn’t entirely isolated. I’ve spent these eight years thinking, dreaming about how we can change Pakistan’s destiny for the better."

The answer, he believes, is utilising what is considered Pakistan’s weakness — its burgeoning population — and converting this into strength. "We must invest in manpower, instead of ’toys for boys’. Invest a billion dollars in our people instead of planes."

Then he makes a startling revelation: "We are working to export nurses; I believe that women are twice as hardworking as men. We will monitor everything with modern technology. The emancipation of women is the future of Pakistan. If we give land to anyone, we will ensure it is given only to women. The trouble is that we train our sons but not our girls." His own children are treated equally, he says. Bilawal and Bakhtawar are both karate black belts, and if Bilawal is learning to shoot, so does his younger sister.

What about Benazir Bhutto, will they (the establishment) let her return? "They? Who are they to stop her? She has chosen to stay away because the world has gone mad. She is working nine hours a day, to change world opinion about us, about Pakistan."

He disagrees that she is arrogant and unapproachable. "A person with an arrogant mindset wouldn’t work so hard. Look, people here are hypersensitive. She has a thousand things on her mind. But you know how people are — they’ll want to ask something, but the preamble is so long. So sometimes she may be a bit short, and that could be seen as arrogance."

What about the contention that the Peoples Party should have sat in Opposition in 1988, instead of coming into power with their hands tied? "The circumstances then were such that that seemed the only choice," he answers. "Perhaps it was not, but we are saying that with hindsight."

So if there were fresh elections and a similar situation developed, would his party accept power with similar compromises? Zardari refuses to say. "She’s the leader. Her wisdom is more than mine. Whatever decision she makes will be correct and we will abide by it."

But speaking for himself, what he would like to be if in power again, is environment minister. "That’s my passion. I can’t believe that the people responsible for that oil spill near Clifton beach are still around, that the environmentalists have not picketed KPT and so on. There is so much apathy. I’d like to change that."

But he has full faith in the people. "We are portrayed as a lawless society, but it’s not true. The average person is hardworking and honest and law abiding. Who are the people who indulge in crime? Who supports them?" He answers his own question: "From political parties like the MQM, from the jagirdars and the sardars, all crime stems from these roots!"

His minders finally prevail upon him to leave for his next appointment, and as he exits the room, that wide grin reminds one of the Cheshire Cat in Alice in Wonderland, who every now and then would slowly vanish, its grin being the last thing to fade out. Asif Ali Zardari’s grin lingers on too. And you wonder who will have the last laugh…

 
 

From the Forgotten Archives: Question Mark for Judiciary, Army & Media

11 Apr


This article was posted on the website of The South Asia Tribune (Issue No 54, August 10-16, 2003). SAT was a web news portal run and edited by Mr Shaheen Sehbai, now Group Editor of the Jang Group, who was at daggers drawn with Musharraf led army at that point in time. So fierce were his writings that he had to flee the country and take refuge in USA. Many suspect, that he did it to get green card for him and family. Once he got the much wanted green cards, threat to his life suddenly ended and he came back during same Musharraf regime and joined ARY TV. 

This strange turn of events aside, Mr. Sehbai ran this web portal for quite some time and shut it down just before returning to Pakistan. South Asia Tribune gave space to many right wing journalists who have been traditionally pro-establishment, pro-army and anti India. The news character SAT displayed on web coincided with first and third variable, i.e., pro-establishment and anti-India, but strangely enough, like all other traditional proponents of army, (e.g., Shirin Mazari, Naseem Zehra, Roedad Khan, Hameed Gul, etc) Mr Sehbai also followed the same course. 

On SAT's masthead, it was claimed that its a web Newspaper for investigative reporting. Probably that was the reason why an extreme right wing reporter Ansar Abbasi was groomed by it and used to be given quite a handsome space. Many former army officers including Mr A. H. Amin, the author of the following post, were also among those who came up with many "investigative" reports in those days, religiously being posted on SAT. The interesting thing was, majority of these "investigative" reports did not mention verifiable source or authentic references / citations. 

Although following story does not tell us anything about basic information like who filed the petition, who're the judges, it carries host of un-verified information about strongest most institution of Pakistan – the Army. Please be reminded, this was 2003 and Musharraf was all there without any potential and overt challenge from civil society, establishment, political sphere, judiciary and army itself. 

My question from Mr Nawaz Sharif and an independence judiciary is, will they call for an inquiry into this? Will the petition (if there's any) be taken up afresh? And if the charges are false, will Mr Sehbai and / or the author be tried for spreading false propaganda against the armed forces? 

People want to know sires, will you please answer?

 

 

 

By A.H. Amin

ISLAMABAD: The Lahore High Court in Pakistan is facing a legal and a practical dilemma: What to do with the petition which charge sheets the Pakistan Armed forces and lists details of massive kickbacks and corruption done by Generals, Air Marshals and Admirals.

The petition has been filed by a lawyer in public interest but its contents are so explosive, the High Court Judges cannot touch it. The LHC, under tremendous pressure of the Army regime, is almost helpless in even admitting or hearing the petition, let alone give a verdict against the Army.

The main charges mentioned in the petition include:

- Air Chief Marshal Abbas Khattak (retired) had received Rs180 million as kickbacks in the purchase of 40 old Mirage fighters

- Air Chief Marshal, Farooq Feroz Khan was suspected of receiving a five per cent commission on the purchase of 40 F-7 planes worth $271 million

- In 1996, the Army bought 1,047 GS-90s jeeps, at a cost of $20,889 per unit. The market value of a jeep then was only $13,000. According to the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), Pakistan’s main accountability organization, some senior Army officers made Rs. 510 million in the deal.

- One hundred and eleven Army men got 400 plots in Bahawalpur and Rahimyar Khan districts at throwaway prices, paying Rs. 47.50 per kanal (1/8th of a acre) as against the actual price of Rs15,000 to Rs20,000 (1US$=Rs. 56). Another 35,000 kanals were distributed among them.

- Six respondents got 400 kanals in the Punjab while former NAB chairman Lt. Gen Mohammad Amjad was allotted a two-kanal plot on the Sarwar Road in Lahore for just Rs. 800,000 – payable in installments over 20 years. The market value of this plot was Rs. 20 million.

- General Pervez Musharraf acquired a commercial plot worth Rs 20 million at DHA in Lahore for just Rs. 100,000, payable in 20 years. "As mentioned in the report of defense services director-general, a loss of Rs 5 billion was incurred due to such allotments."

- The Army awarded a contract for the purchase of 1,000 Hino trucks at $40,000 per unit while the local Gandhara Industries had offered trucks of the same specification for $25,000 a piece. In the purchase of 3,000 Land Rover jeeps in 1995, Army officials allegedly received around Rs. 2 billion as kickbacks.

- The Army management at WAPDA raised the power tariff 13 times during the last three years besides purchasing electric meters at Rs. 1,050 a piece against the open market price of Rs. 456, causing a loss of Rs 1.65 billion to the national exchequer.

- A former military regime sold the Pak-Saudi Fertilizers for Rs. 7 billion and earned a Rs 2 billion commission on the deal.

- In 1996, the Pakistan Navy spent Rs. 13 million on installing air-conditioners at the Islamabad Golf Club without any justification.

Apart from this petition some other major scams involving serving or ex members of the military junta are as follows:

- Ex Army chief General Jahangir Karamat took kickbacks of more than US$ 20 Million from Ukrainian tank company for purchase of 300 Ukrainian tanks for Pakistan Army through a middleman named as Colonel Mahmood , a brother tank corps officer of Karamat . Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif sent the present chief of the WAPDA Major General Zulfiqar, then serving in ISI, to Ukraine and Azerbaijan to investigate the scam.

- General Zulfiqar compiled a complete report of the transaction and the bribes given. But the Army tried to buy him out by rewarding him with the post of WAPDA Chairman and promoting him to the rank of a three star General. The then Army Chief, General Jahangir Karamat was forced to resign, based on the threat that if he did not, he would be charged for corruption.

- Many road contracts were given to a firm Hasnain Construction company without any public tenders by the recently removed Railways and Communication minister General Qazi. The company, owned by a relative of General Pervez Musharraf’s son, was also awarded the lease of a lucrative real estate in Lahore for construction of a Golf Course under frontmanship of Palm Country Golf Club, Singapore. The relative of General Musharraf admitted publicly that he was working for a commission to use his contacts and influence for the company.

- Prime commercial land developed in Defence Housing Authority Karachi was leased at dirt heap rates to McDonalds operated by Amin Lakhani by the then Corps Commander, Karachi Lt. General Afzal Janjua.

- The Army’s coercive organ NAB struck various under the table deals with various individuals accused of high profile economic crimes in addition to arm twisting NAB defaulters, into joining the present government. These include the present Prime Minister Zafarullah Jamali and at least one fourth of all elected legislators.

Where does the military virtue of a defense outfit stand in these circumstances? Is 2003 not a year fit to publish its obituary? Our military virtue died, trampled below the treacherous wheels of overpriced military trucks and overpriced Chinese aircraft and defective Atlantique planes that crash in our waters because of dubious maintenance.

Yes all this has served one important development purpose. Sons of ex-subedars, ex-clerks and ex-assistant political agents have done well, climbing from relatively simple life styles to grand luxuries propelled by phenomenal assets. All came to clean the Augean stables and all departed richer. The only exception was General Yahya Khan who whatever his drawbacks at least did not have the mind of a petty shop keeper.

Clausewitz, the great philosopher of war described “Military Virtue” of an Army as the corporate spirit which forms the bond between bravery, enthusiasm and espirit de corps. Clausewitz further defined military virtue as a quality which drives an Army in a similar way as genius makes a military commander illustrious.

Military virtue in words of Clausewitz could be generated in two ways, i.e. by a succession of military campaigns and victories or by military training activity carried to the highest pitch. The more a general demanded of his troops in terms of dedicated military activity in peace, the surer he would be that his demands in war would be properly answered. In short military virtue is the fuel that is supposed to drive an Army in war.

With the above premise in mind and keeping in view our present history it can be safely concluded that military virtue of thePakistan Army as an institution witnessed erosion from 1958 once the party started that made sons of Risaldar majors and Assistant Political Agents progress into industrial tycoons. It was a joy ride. Men who had one green suit to wear, in the words of General Tajammul, became the tycoons of Pakistan. It was the beginning of prosperity for few and the beginning of the end of military virtue of a previously Spartan and clean military machine.

The second military junta of Pakistan was led by the only Army chief not from humble background and this ensured that the Pakistan Army was kept away from cheap consumerism and avaricious lust for real estate.

The second great dinner party started in 1979 when thanks to Soviet invasion of Afghanistan a heaven-sent opportunity arrived in shape of US military aid for the third military junta of Pakistan. Stingers were flown in by the big daddy for the obedient son and these were sold in the open market by silent soldiers. Thus new business empires were created. The Zia junta as a whole did roaring business and the result is that at least four major tycoons of Pakistan today including present commerce minister have direct links with the Zia junta.

Where does building 90 acres of a welfare colony known as Creek City with the cheapest shack for Rs. 6 million fit in? Did the military junta begin the occupation for such sublime purposes in 1958 or 1999? Where does developing 62 acres of land in prime commercial real estate in Islamabad fit in? Is this the business of a Navy that was miserably shut up in a mouse hole in Karachi Port in 1971 War? True that kickback may have been taken, but at least Admiral Mansur bought a good submarine for the Navy. But for whose welfare is the Navy undertaking a project 1500 kilometers from the nearest sea?

What began as an idealistic journey ends with the shady deals around creeks in Karachi which the Navy failed to defend in 1971 and a military junta which wants to rule this country for eternity.

And in this messy situation, the subservient Lahore High Court has been asked to sit on judgment with the sprawling mountains of charges, some even admitted publicly by the Army. God help the poor Mr. Justices of the superior court.

The writer is a retired Pakistan Army Officer and a Defence Analyst who has written a number of books on defence and security matters.

 

 
 

Eleven Years Ago in the Courts

11 Apr


In Court With Nawaz Sharif

This account was published in Time Asia on November 22, 1999. Posted on Baaghi for the sake of revisiting immediate history that seems to somehow dissolve in the air and put the people in amnesia so often. Read, think and decide!


By GHULAM HASNAIN Karachi

Muhammed Nawaz Sharif was clearly disoriented and depressed as he stepped into the courtroom on Friday afternoon. For a moment, he seemed on the verge of breaking down in tears — his eyes were moist. "Where should I sit?" he asked one of his lawyers. He was shown a chair in the back.

When the formal proceedings began, Judge Rehman Husain Jafri asked Sharif if he had been tortured by the police. Sharif replied: "I was in solitary confinement for the last 38 days. In these days I never encountered any policemen." However, he said he had been interrogated by officials from other government agencies.

Jafri: The scope [of this trial] is quite limited. Police say you were arrested at 12:05 a.m. on Nov. 19.

Sharif: No, I was in solitary confinement for the last 38 days.

Jafri: That is a different subject. You can tell this when the actual trial will begin. This is not linked.

Sharif: Sir, I think it is linked.

Jafri: Were you tortured in custody?

Sharif: They did not beat me. But there are other things. If asked, I will tell you. Except torture they did everything.

Jafri: Do you know the charges?

Sharif: I have no idea what the charges are.

The judge read the charges–of treason, hijacking a commercial airliner and endangering the lives of 200 passengers.

Sharif: This is the first time I am hearing this.

After this exchange, the judge heard from lawyers for the defense and the prosecution. During this period, I managed to ask Sharif a few questions. Seeing me take notes, security in the courtroom signaled me to get out, but they didn't approach me for fear of interrupting the trial.

TIME: Did you order the hijacking?
Sharif: You hijack a plane with a gun. It is the democratically elected government which has been hijacked. It is the democracy which has been hijacked. Parliament has been hijacked. It is the 140 million people who have been hijacked. Who says plane was hijacked? There was no hijacking.

TIME: So what happened on Oct. 12? Did you sack army chief Pervez Musharraf?
Sharif: The coming moments will unfold everything. You will know soon what actually happened on that day. The thing which has to be found out is whether it was the coup which came first or the orders to the aircraft.

TIME: Do you expect justice and a fair trial?
Sharif: It will soon be clear. Everything will be in front of you.

TIME: Do you fear the military regime will hang you, as they did in the case of Zulfikar Bhutto?
Sharif: Let's see. I have left everything in the hands of God.

TIME: Where have you been since the coup?
Sharif: They kept shifting me to different places. I was kept in small rooms. Dingy rooms. I can't explain it to you in words. Seeing is believing. There was no mineral water. Each time I had to request them to fetch me mineral water. The supply of running water in the room was erratic. I was kept away from TV and newspapers. I had telephonic conversation with my family only twice. I don't know what is happening to them. I was totally in the dark.

TIME: What was the attitude of your captors toward you?
Sharif: It varied place to place. Each time you face different people. And they treat you in a different manner.

TIME: How long do you think this will continue?
Sharif: Let's see.

After hearing from lawyers on both sides, Judge Jafri handed Sharif over to police custody for interrogation till Nov. 22. He was taken away in an armored personnel carrier to an unknown destination. Sharif had been in court about 40 minutes.

Postscript: On Saturday, security officials didn't allow newsmen anywhere near the court–we were even barred from standing on the main road outside.


 
 
 
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